Saturday 26 December 2020

QOSOL & QISOOYIN - JOKES & EPISODES - WITZE & EPISODEN: Manifesto 2

QOSOL & QISOOYIN - JOKES & EPISODES - WITZE & EPISODEN: Manifesto 2:   . Baaqii 4aad ee Manifesto II                                                                      21/12/2020 Soomaaliya waxay maray...

MANIFESTO 2 STATEMENT

                                                                                                            26/12/2020






Manifesto 2      4th   Statement

To: All Somali Political Organizations,

To: UN General Secretary

To: Security Council Member States 

To: EU Envoy to Somalia

To: AU, IGAD Secretariat, Arab League, and IOC

To: International Crisis Group Brussels, Belgium

Situational analysis:

Somalia has been a failed state since the fall of the military dictatorship and the instability it harbours not only threatens the lives, livelihoods and the stability of the region but it also endangers international peace and security.

Violent conflict behaviours have been characterized following the disintegration and collapse of the nation-state in the early 1990s. Somalia plagued by protracted civil war, banditry and periodic natural and man-made disasters. Approximately half a million lives were lost, close to one million fled the country, and two million Somalis were internally displaced IDPs.

Somalia's lawlessness and anarchy did not occur overnight and could have long been predicted and that is the reason African union mission in Somalia (UNISOM) was introduced with the UN Security Council mandate, to fight Al-Shabab and bring peace and stability back to the country.

In the last 4 years, the leadership is not ashamed of openly and brazenly lobbying for clan-based interests. This mistrust created an atmosphere of antagonism and hostility. This is a very unfortunate reality for a country, which is at the brink of total annihilation from the face of the earth, a country that has been brutally ravaged by a fratricidal conflict for over three decades.

We know that the promises taken by the subsequent governments and its apologists, despite the lofty rhetoric none of the promises are kept none are likely to be ever delivered, without outside intervention.

Somalia finds itself once again at a crossroad due to the ever-recurring political disagreements over the election disagreements. The current contentious issues plaguing the country are;

The composition of electoral and dispute resolution commissions, and the election procedures for Somaliland and Jubbaland/Gedo region all of which continue to delay the elections and breach the agreement signed on the 17th of September.  

There are those who view this election impasse as a new stumbling block for Somalia’s road to democratization and reconciliation process. Others see an opportunity to strengthen electoral structures and processes – key components of Somali state-building. There are also those who suspect incumbent Farmajo of wanting to subvert Somali nationhood to consolidate power.

Looking at the ongoing election deadlock, one could assume that the Somali political class lacks a shared understanding of what it takes to build a strong state.

 

Stabilization efforts in Somalia have yet to bear fruit due to the absence of suitable political settlement and lack of political maturity that caters to the interest of all those involved.

The current electoral stand-off is merely a repeat of the 2016 debacle. But since then, no lessons were learned and nothing has been done to improve the Somali election structures and procedures.

President Farmajo has never lacked support to implement federal structures and hold a free and fair election during his tenure, instead lacked the talent and proficiency which led to a political deadlock, and it might be a deliberate move by Farmajo to prolong his stay at Villa Somalia.

In response to the situation Somali political elite have come together under the banner of the manifesto II to remind the leadership of the consequences of a failure to hold elections.

Resolving this impasse might require the intervention of the International community. The time has come for Somalis and their international partners to start preparing for the worst.

As the prospect for a timely credible election process rapidly recedes. Somalia’s fragile constitutional order seems likely to collapse on 9 February 2021 as the provisional constitution articles 60 and 91 stipulates that the term of  both chambers of the parliament expires on the aforementioned date.

On 17 September, Farmajo signed a pact with FMS leaders to conduct indirect elections by February 2021, but has since manoeuvred brazenly to rig the electoral process in his own favour. Opposition leaders have predictably cried foul and threaten to boycott the stage-managed coronation of Farmajo for a second term.

If no deal is struck, Farmajo will cease to be Somalia’s constitutional president on 9 February 2021. Opposition leaders are making plans for a provisional council to replace him – an equally unconstitutional, but arguably more stable political solution. Both scenarios are likely to involve armed conflict, especially in Mogadishu.  

We are worried over demonstrations and denunciations in the Radio and other social media outlets of both Mogadishu elders, opposition parties including presidential candidates in one hand, and the Federal government to use its law enforcement forces to demonstrate and flex their muscle to prevent any political activities against the regime.  Demonstrations that took place in Mogadishu between 15-16 of December 2020, witnessed and showed political immaturity of both sides using and exercising live-bullet ammunitions in order to derail any future peaceful negotiation of both parties.

Somalia's future looks bleak due to impasse of electoral processes and this may create irresolvable tensions and misunderstandings, chaos and to later lead to a dead-end and to nowhere to go. It is unfortunate that for the moment, we did not see any negotiation efforts committed by both sides per se FMS, FG and opposition leaders to resolve the contentious issues (electoral processes), and to solve any differences by peaceful means. Manifesto II in regard to the Supremacy for the rule of law are dismayed that both sides government and opposition leaders are openly and brazenly criticizing each other, especially high ranking members and Mayor of Mogadishu calling opposition leaders and government opponent to be killed in the spot contrary to any civilized norms and against the rule of law. We the Manifesto II also in consideration of the ongoing political and electoral dead-lock of the looming election 20/21, gives an opportunity for terrorist insurgents Al-Shabab to wage its in-human massacre of the innocent civilians, armed forces, AMISON and Somali population at large.  

 

Recommendations:

·         A truly comprehensive approach is needed from the key international partners of Somalia and other main stakeholders to provide long term political reforms and give a new impetus and substance to building a credible and inclusive government in a post-conflict transitional process of state-building.

·         International Community should use intimidation tactics and effectual menace for war crimes tribunal against spoilers and their backers to push and uphold the reconciliation and the democratisation process.

This kind of threat can frighten the most obstinate of spoilers and may, in fact, lead to speed up ending Somalia`s endless crisis. It is the only and effective tool that had never been employed by the international community. Somalia’s international partners must awaken to the danger and move beyond the usual diplomatic platitudes.

·         The way forward is to deploy coordinated pressure, backed by the threat of sanctions and a clear road map for the return of a politically stable, inclusive constitutional order in order to reach a more stable government.

·         The International Community should withdraw its support from the government, unless it clearly demonstrates credible reconciliation efforts with the member states and its desire to share power with them, serious security planning and coordination, drafting a new constitution, constituting a new assembly, restoring peace and stability, combating corruption and mismanagement, and upholding its commitment to accountability and transparency on good governance practices before the end of February 2021.

Manifesto 2 elite list:

1.     Jama Ali Jama – Signatory of Manifesto 1

2.        Avv. Hassan Dhimbil Warsame Ex-minister & Signatory of Manifesto 1

3.        Abdi Muse Mayow

4.        Abdullaahi Haji Yusuf Igal, Signatory of Manifesto 1

5.        Hirsi Bulhan Farah former Minister , 1967

6.        H.E.Ali Abdullahi Osoble,former president of  H/Shabelle

7.        Faisal Abdi Roble

8.        Gen. Mohamed Osman Qadi

9.        Avv. Mohamed Moalim Hassan (Marocco)

10.     Asha Geelle Diiriye, former minister, (P/land)

11.     Eng. Ahmed Warsame Abtidon (Ahmedgurey)

12.     Mudane Hared Ali Hared Ex- deputy House speaker of G/Mudug

13.     Bashiir Isse Ali, former head of Somali Central Bank

14.     Avv. Mohamed Mohamud Isse (Turunji)

15.     Abdi Farah Said (Juxa), former Interior minister of FGS

16.     Dr. Hassan Sheikh Ali

17.     Avv. Shamso Sheikh Hassan

18.     Dr. Sadiq Eenow Ex-Minister P/Land

19.     Rage Garad Abdiqani Garad Jama

20.     Eng. Ismail Dahir Osmaan

21.     Abdirahman Mohamed Said (Gentleman)

22.     Dr. Abdirashid Abdullaahi Mohamed (Fonka)

23.     Abdirizak Omar Mohamed, Ex-minister of FGS

24.     Eng. Ahmed Sabrie Siyad

25.     Dr. Abdiaziz Mohamud Mohamed (Takar)

26.     Abdirahim Mohamed Abshir Hamaan

27.     Mohamud Haji Qore, Signatory of Manifesto 1

28.     G/ Sare Mohamed Hassan H Hussein

29.     Abdulkadir Nur Salad (Takar)

30.     Abukar Mohamed Ali

31.     Mohamed Moalin Hassan Geelle, Ex-MP (G/Mudug)

32.     Dr. Aweys Omar Mohamed

33.     Khalif Jama Abdulle (Mandella)

34.     Mohamud Dhoollawaa, Ex-minister (P/land)

35.     Abdikafi Mohamed Mohamud, Ex-minister (G/mudug)

36.     Ahmed Abas Ahmed

37.     Farah Ali-Shire Afbalaar, Ex-minister (P/land

38.     Avv. Abdirahman  Farah Qaarey

39.     Eng. Abdi-Nur Ahmed Darmaan

40.     Daahir Mire Jibriil

41.     Eng. Siciid Xaaji Cabdi

42.     Eng. Cabdi-Waaxid Axmed Xasan

43.     Dr. Cumar Cabdi Barre

44.     Dr. Adan Mohamed Isse

45.     Hasan Oman Hashi (Suluh)

46.     Dr. Hersi Abdi Oman

47.     Dr. Said Mohamed Mohamud

48.     Dr. Ahmed Cabdella

49.     Dr. Cabdiraxmaan Cumar  Warsame

50.     Dr. Cabdiraxmaan Axmed Nuur (Sulub)

51.     Prof. Abdullaahi Sayid Ahmed

52.     Salad Ahmed Aynte – Ex-Xildh. G/Mudug

53.     Prof. Asad khalif Cali-weyd

54.     Prof. Cabdisalaam Xaaji Axmed Garaad Malla

55.     Prof. Cabdisalaam Ciise Salwe

56.     Dr. Bashiir Cali Biixi

57.     Dr. Farah Ahmed Warsame

58.     Dr. Jibril Ahmed Yusuf

59.     Dr. Ahmed Ali Yuusuf

60.     Dr. Mohamed Ibrahim Af-kul

61.     Dr. Mohamed Hussein Adan

62.     Dr. Ali Addawe Barkhadle

63.     Amb. Yusuf Haji Said

64.     Amb. Abdikariim Aw-Ali

65.     Mahad Mohamed Warsame

66.     Ismail Haji Warsame

67.     Isse Dhoolawaa

68.     Mohamed Abdirahman Janagele

69.     Ahmed Siyad Bile

70.     Abdullahi Salah Osman

71.     Abdiwahid Ahmed Jama

72.     Abdikarim Abdirahman H. Hassan

73.     Eng. Abdi Ali Good

74.   Salad Ahmed Aynte – Ex-Xildh. G/Mudug

75.   Mohamed Hassan Hussein – Ex-Xildh. G/Mudug

76.   Abdisalan Dahir Abdulle – Gud. Xarunta Xalinta Qilaafadka G/Mudug

77.   Avv. Khalif Mohamed Duale

78.   Abdulkhadir Ahmed Mohamed (Chief Sagarey

79.   Abdiaziz Abshir Kilwe

Spokesperson of Manifesto II Forum:
Name: Ahmed Warsame Abtidon

Contact Number: +44 7950 519801
Email: 
ManifestoIIforum@gmail.com